G2278 Index: Youth & Families, Families

Issued September 2016

Cultural Competence Concepts

Why Gender Stereotypes Matter

Sarah A. Taylor, Graduate Research/Extension Assistant

Maria Rosario T. de Guzman, Extension Specialist

K. Anh Do, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Maryland, College Park

Kathy L. Potthoff, Extension Educator

Jackie M. Guzman, Extension Educator

Catherine E. Johnston, Extension Educator

Gender stereotypes are generalized beliefs that we hold about people based solely on their gender. This can include how a person should look, act, feel, or think as a male or female. For example, we might think that a woman is supposed to be very gentle, take care of children, and do housework like cooking and cleaning. In contrast, we might think that a man is supposed to be tough, mow the lawn, and make financial decisions for the family. Although these biases may not seem very serious and may even cast a positive light at times, in fact, stereotypes can be problematic with serious consequences.

Why do we hold stereotypes and why is it a problem?

In many ways, holding stereotypes is innate to human beings. The human mind is primed to think efficiently. This includes setting up categories and classes in our minds and then fitting in objects, people, and events that we encounter. This is how the brain receives and processes information. For example, we might have a class or category in our head of “pillows.” When we encounter a rectangular, soft, fluffy object that looks like a pillow—we would categorize it as such and we would know how to interact with it. We know that we are not supposed to eat it or try to wear it. Our minds recognize that it is inanimate; therefore, we do not try to talk to this object or expect it to respond. Because of this category in our head, we can easily identify a pillow and we know what to do with this object. It would be quite inefficient for us to deal with each pillow as if it were a new, unknown object that we had to learn about.

Thinking in categories seems like a reasonable way to interact with the world, and stereotypes are a type of category we apply to groups of people. Nonetheless, stereotypes can be problematic for several reasons:

Examples of gender stereotypes and how they form

Whether or not we intend to do so, we communicate our stereotypes and expectations for girls and boys as soon as they are born. For example, the moment many expecting parents find out the sex of their baby, they pick a name that reflects that gender. Parents may begin preparing a room for the child painted in “boy” or “girl” colors. Friends give gifts based on whether they are expecting a girl or a boy.

Indeed, stereotypes about gender start early. Research shows that adults and children even make different judgments about a baby’s characteristics and behaviors based on whether they think that baby is a boy or girl. For example, both children and adults will judge a baby’s cries (e.g., is it a cry of “distress?”) differently depending on that child’s sex.

As children grow up, these stereotypes are even further reinforced. The toys, activities, tasks, and opportunities that adults choose and make available for girls and boys diverge even further. These toys and play activities in which children participate further perpetuate those stereotypes.

By playing only with dolls and tea sets, girls may learn that they are supposed to grow up, work inside the home, cook dinner, and take care of their children. By playing with only trucks and action figures, boys can learn that they are expected to be tough, to work outside the home with heavy machinery, and to be the protector of their families. Not being allowed to play with toys typically given to the other gender (e.g., tea sets for boys) can be a strong signal that possibilities associated with those activities are not allowed.

Children also learn how a “good girl” or “good boy” is supposed to act based on the way we teach or act around them. Table I shows some common expectations we have for each gender. For example, girls are often told not to shout or are asked to use a nicer voice. When boys talk loudly or shout, we are less likely to ask them to quiet down. Because of this, boys may grow up feeling more assertive than girls. Girls may be judged harshly for being assertive, and boys may be judged negatively for being more cooperative.

Table I. Common expectations based on gender for women and men

Girls/women: Boys/men:

are supposed to look pretty

are quieter

are supposed to do housework and cook

are flirts

are weak, compared with men

are accountable for raising the children

are good at sewing

enjoy outdoor activities

are good at mathematics

are lazy and messy

are good at sports

are not good at cooking

are in charge of the household

are loud and confident

The impacts of gender stereotypes

As mentioned earlier, stereotypes can, and tend to be false. They do not always reflect reality. Most stereotypes tend to be negative and prevent people from reaching their highest potential. Even “positive” stereotypes end up lumping people together and ignoring their individuality. Here are just a few of the impacts of gender stereotypes:

How to limit gender stereotypes

Even though gender stereotypes are deeply engrained, there are things we can do to limit their negative impacts. Leading researchers who study gender stereotypes and stereotype threat have recommended several interventions for addressing stereotypes.

Resources

Cherney, I. D., Kelly-Vance, L., Glover, K., Ruane, A., & Ryalls, B. O. (2003). The effects of stereotyped toys and gender on play-based assessment in 18–48 months old children. Educational Psychology, 23(1), 95–106.

Cheryan, S., Master, A., & Meltzoff, A. N. (2015). Cultural stereotypes as gatekeepers: increasing girls’ interest in computer science and engineering by diversifying stereotypes. Frontiers in Psychology, 6.

Deaux, K. & Lewis, L. L. (1984). Structure of gender stereotypes: Interrelationships among components and gender label. Journal of personality and Social Psychology, 46(5), 991.

Hartley, B. L. & Sutton, R. M. (2013). A stereotype threat account of boys’ academic underachievement. Child Development, 84(5), 1716–1733.

Holleran, S., Whitehead, J., Schmader, T., & Mehl, M. (2011). Talking shop and shooting the breeze: Predicting women’s job disengagement from workplace conversations. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 2, 65–71.

John Oliver, S. & Sappa, C. (2013). When compliments fail to flatter: American individualism and responses to positive stereotypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 104(1), 87–102.

Lueptow, L. B., Garovich, L., & Lueptow, M. B. (1995). The persistence of gender stereotypes in the face of changing sex roles: Evidence contrary to the sociocultural model. Ethology and Sociobiology, 16(6), 509–530.

Martin, K. A. (1998). Becoming a gendered body: Practices of preschools. American Sociological Review, 63(4), 494–511.

Reby, D., Levréro, F., Gustafsson, E., & Mathevon, N. (2016). Sex stereotypes influence adults’ perception of babies’ cries. BMC Psychology, 4(1), 1.

Rothgerber, H. & Wolsiefer, K. (2014). A naturalistic study of stereotype threat in young female chess players. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 17(1), 79–90.

Rudman, L. A. & Borgida, E. (1995). The afterglow of construct accessibility: The behavioral consequences of priming men to view women as sexual objects. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 31(6), 493–517.

Schmader, T., Johns, M., & Forbes, C. (2008). An integrated model of stereotype threat effects on performance. Psychological Review, 115(2), 336–356.

Schmalz, D. L. & Kerstetter, D. L. (2006). Girlie girls and manly men: Children’s stigma consciousness of gender in sports and physical activities. Journal of Leisure Research38(4), 536–557.

Shapiro, J. R. & Williams, A. M. (2012). The role of stereotype threats in undermining girls’ and women’s performance and interest in STEM fields. Sex Roles, 66(3–4), 175–183.

Spencer, S. J., Steele, C. M., & Quinn, D. M. (1999). Stereotype threat and women’s math performance. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 35(1), 4–28.


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